Mike:
From your responses to what I've written above, I get the impression you really didn't read or consider my words quite so carefully as I would have liked (yes, I know I'm long-winded but the previous posts were pretty short compared to this one). Then again, maybe I wasn't sufficiently clear. I'll try one more time.
Antonius wrote:Now, the limited claim I make is based on a certain considerable amount of experience in dealing with problems of this sort. But it is simply a reading of a very limited set of data. Real research and the solution to historical problems comes through exhaustive investigation of as many facts as seem to be relevant and the solution one arrives at, one should arrive at honestly, i.e., not skewing the things to fit one's preconceived theory. I don't know what all the sociohistorical and philological data would point to, but I do know how to read a dialect map. And I don't want to make any far-reaching or do[g]matic claim on the basis of what I know at this point.
And I repeat: is it possible Chicago was 'soda' country and switched: yes, but your bar-cocktail theory so far doesn't convince me that that is the most likely scenario.* But it seems to me far more likely that there was a period of variable usage and/or usage with more or less sharp sociolinguistic (rather than just geographic) splits in distribution ('soda pop' yielding 'pop' in some places universally and in others among some social strata, the same for 'soda'). How the sociolinguistic split tended to be levelled out may have differed in different cities, depending on various local factors. Perhaps the inmigration in Chicago tipped the balance in favour of 'pop' or perhaps there are other fac[to]rs less apparent, while other sets of local factors caused St Louis and Milwaukee to opt for the other form (see, for example, Rob's suggestion above, which is something worth considering). A more nuanced and socially complex development is more likely than a completely simple one. But without the evidence, it's all speculation (though if I were to pursue this topic seriously, that's the direction I would look in).
Now, beyond that, I'll add that the idea of complexity and variable usage is something I suggested hereabove, expressly offering that as what I think was the reality of the situation -- something which I surmise on the basis of experience but for which I do not have direct evidence at the moment -- and consciously allowing that also as a way by which your (as stated) implausible bar-cocktail theory might have
some validity. Now, it seems you embrace my conjecture concerning complexity on the basis of the evidence from Studs Lonigan while simultaneously trying to find ways to dismiss all my specific suggestions.† Okay. Actually, with regard to your Amazon searches, excellent. I'm always in favour of research and happy to see useful data (see further below).
If you wish to argue against the above quoted, quite measured and decidedly non-polemical statement from my earlier post, feel free to do so, but I really don't think there's much to argue against.
*
† Some final points:
1) In the exposition of the bar-cocktail theory, you seem to have lost track of the core issue: the issue is the distribtution of terms which are used in a general fashion to refer to carbonated soft drinks, and nowadays that is pretty much those in bottled or canned format. N.B. VI's note above: "
We [Chicagoans] have always used soda to refer to a drink with ice cream and syrup but NOT as a bottled beverage."
Incidentally, as Amata noted, the evidence you cite from Studs Lonigan and the subsequent evidence posted yesterday afternoon doesn't in any way support your bar-cocktail theory but goes along with the idea that 'pop' was the widespread or most common generic term here for carbonated, flavoured soft drinks, with 'soda' reserved for the specialised meaning VI notes above. What you seemed to be suggesting was that Chicago, with its putative cocktail culture, used 'soda' as the general term and then switched to 'pop' as the result of migration from rural areas. That strikes me as quite unlikely (more likely is that Chicago was a centre from which use of 'pop' spread to the surrounding areas). 'Pop' is almost certainly 'old' here, as suggested by the dialect map and increasingly confirmed by the literary references you supply.
Everyone presumably had 'soda' in the context of fountain service, or at least so it seems to me. The issue of a generic term (especially for pre-prepared, bottled drinks) is obviously closely related but probably secondary.
2) You are pointedly dismissive of my suggestion regarding the occurrence of 'soda' in the data for Chicago in the poll. But here you simplify what I say to the point that it starts to seem absurd (see quote under pt. 4 below). Is this rhetorical strategy or a failure to appreciate the argument in its entirety?
The noteworthy but minor usage of 'soda' in Chicago by some speakers as the generic term for bottled, carbonated soft drinks could, as I suggest, very plausibly be accounted for by the presence of inmigrants (and their children) from the St Louis and Milwaukee 'soda' zones AND inmigrants (and their children) from the Northeast 'soda' zone AND the crucial reinforcement of media influence (in which 'soda' is surely the basic term used), a point which in no way negates the possibility that Chicago may have always had some variation since the days when the terms 'pop' and 'soda' were first popularised in the generic sense.
That there are noteworthy numbers of folks from Boston, New York and surrounding bits of the Northeast in Chicago is obvious. And these people are surely more often members of the strata of society that are likely to be using computers and answering dialect polls than members of the blue collar and less computer oriented sectors of the Chicago population (thus perhaps skewing the poll data so that 'soda' is more strongly represented there than it actually is in the general Chicago population -- note the request by the poll's author to try to mitigate this problem).
Or do you really think that Chicago is such a minor city that people from the Northeast (and St Louis and Milwaukee), in the ever more mobile social and economic context of modern American society, aren't drawn here? That is likely the case for small cities, such as Joliet but surely not for Chicago. At least in the circles I move in, inmigrants (and children of inmigrants) from the Northeast -- as well as from St Louis, downstate Illinois, Milwaukee and eastern Wisconsin -- are
hardly a rarity.
Such people, especially with the support from the media/standard, can without doubt play a rôle in spreading an alien or traditionally minor variant form. The media influence, as I and others have noted, is real and significant. As I offered above as an example, 'tonic', the old Boston area term is clearly now maintained by only a minority, with 'soda' apparently the increasingly common form used there.
3) As I have said a couple of times above and subsequently was echoed by Amata, what is from a dialectological standpoint the most striking and interesting aspect of the map and data is the existence of the St Louis and Milwaukee islands. That they have been expansive, clearly winning over the surrounding countryside is not at all surprising and I am fairly confident in being able to suggest the likely reasons for that expansiveness. The question is when and why those two cities went against the Northern Midland norm.
4)
What historical data can you glean from this map, really? Yes, 80% for something suggests that it probably goes back a ways... but at the same time you're suggesting that a wave of East Coasters in very recent history is responsible for what "soda" usage there is today. If you can have that kind of influence in a short time, how can you be sure that something else has really been so established for so long?
Not specific data, of course, but certainly general historical developments. Yes, indeed, one can -- to a certain degree -- surmise history from such a map as the one for 'soda/pop/coke'
IF one is equipped with a general understanding of dialectology and sociolinguistics and at least a basic knowledge of the dialect landscape of the area in question.
But note well that I consistently speak in terms of degrees of likelihood or probability; without careful investigation of the facts, I only offer measured suggestions based on background knowledge and experience.
If nothing else, I hope this thread has shown that even a relatively very minor issue in historical linguistics such as this is more often than not actually a rather complicated problem which demands a lot of research and informed analysis. And as I said in an earlier post, the sort of cultural factors you have brought up do need to be considered as part of the complex mix. But in the end, the specialised linguistic analysis cannot be wanting.
*
I need a grant!
If you do apply, maybe I'll be one of the reviewers.
Cin cin.
Antonius
Alle Nerven exzitiert von dem gewürzten Wein -- Anwandlung von Todesahndungen -- Doppeltgänger --
- aus dem Tagebuch E.T.A. Hoffmanns, 6. Januar 1804.
________
Na sir is na seachain an cath.